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Can AI save truth? exploring ethical pathways for fact-checking in the age of deepfakes

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AI has become the bedrock of much of the misinformation being debunked by fact-checkers today.

From artificially generated images to deepfake audio and videos, as well as subtle image and video manipulations, AI tools have made creating convincing fakes easier than ever.

This shift has raised concerns in the fact-checking community. While the world embraces AI for its potential in health, education, and other knowledge work, misinformation fueled by AI spreads faster, appears more credible, and is more difficult to detect. A fake photo of a protest, an AI-cloned politician’s voice, or a fabricated news broadcast can now travel globally within minutes.

READ ALSO: Five ways to spot AI-generated videos

While many observers suggest that AI has made it easier to create convincing fakes that spread quickly and appear believable, others point out that the same technology is also being adopted in useful ways across different sectors, from journalists using AI for transcription and research, to legal professionals sorting documents, designers experimenting with generative tools, and health workers applying AI in diagnostics.

For fact-checkers, the dilemma seems to be that the technology driving new forms of misinformation is the same one being explored as a possible solution, through tools designed to detect deepfakes and verify manipulated content. The story is still unfolding, with debates ongoing about whether AI will ultimately prove to be a greater threat or an ally in the fight against misinformation.

To better understand these complexities, The FactCheckHub spoke with fact-checkers, information disorder analysts, AI ethics researchers, and policy advocates, who shared their perspectives on how the industry is grappling with these challenges.

Editor of Cable Check, Ebunoluwa Olafusi, states that one of the major challenges with AI is bias. 

“I would say AI bias is one of the major problems, as you can be fed with what has been programmed into the AI system, which in turn reinforces biases and stereotypes, leading to more misinformation,” she noted.

Limitations of AI in verification

An information disorder analyst and researcher, Ahmad Aluko, noted that many open-source AI tools often provide inaccurate data, especially when it comes to research references. According to them, AI sometimes misattributes citations, cites the wrong author, or overlooks multiple contributors, while noting that it could, in contrast, be used for social media monitoring to source claims.

“A lot of these tools, like CrowdTangle and Meltwater, have AI functionalities embedded in them. So it is these AI tools that crawl across social media pages and find the relevant searches of your keywords. Yes, AI tools are very, very good [with] that because if you say you want to do that manually, how many handles are you going to search?”

Aluko explained that AI tools should not be relied upon for verification workflows, as they often fall short in accuracy. Instead, he suggested AI could be better applied in monitoring substance claims and social media activities. For verification, he emphasised the importance of independent research and the use of alternative tools outside AI.

This was also echoed by Olafusi as she stressed the importance of transparency in declaring when AI tools are used in fact-checking or reporting, while also emphasising that editorial oversight remains essential for providing context, cultural nuance, and ethical guidance that AI alone cannot deliver.

“AI can’t do all the work of a journalist or fact-checker. There’s always the place of editorial oversight where you provide context and link events, and explain cultural nuances. AI may be unable to determine the sequence of events based on a narrative. It may be unable to relate how one event leads to another, especially in local contexts.” She pinpointed.

READ MORE : Navigating information space: experts debate the role of community notes in fact-checking

Aluko also warned that AI tools often struggle to capture African and Nigerian contexts, sometimes labelling local perspectives as wrong and privileging others, which raises concerns about fairness and representation in fact-checking and risks reinforcing biases rather than addressing misinformation within cultural contexts.

“In Africa or the Nigerian context. There are slang terms, and there are some narratives when you are doing sentiment analysis with AI tools. They don’t see that as wrong. So context is very important” Aluko stated.

He stressed that because AI is developed and trained by people, it inevitably inherits human biases, which can distort representation and context.

Beyond individual perspectives, the debate reflects a wider concern within the fact-checking community about how AI tools are integrated into existing workflows. While their potential is widely acknowledged, questions remain about accuracy, contextual relevance, and the risk of over-reliance without proper safeguards.

Where AI can still support workflows

Building on this, Aluko suggested that while AI tools already exist that can listen and interpret speech, there is a need for tools specifically designed to extract verifiable claims from conversations. He argued, however, that AI should not replace the verification process itself, since that remains the core responsibility of fact-checkers. Instead, AI could be more useful in supporting workflows, such as scanning and monitoring across different social media platforms to identify claims that require verification.

“There are already AI tools that can listen and can decide whatever you are saying. But there should be AI tools that can pull out the claims from the discussion. If AI tools can do verification for me, then why am I being paid to be a fact-checker?” Aluko asked.

He expressed concern that the proliferation of open-source AI tools has led to misuse, suggesting that some form of regulation may be necessary. 

While concerns about misuse and the need for regulation persist, some fact-checkers acknowledge that AI still has practical benefits when applied to specific tasks.

Senior researcher and fact-checker at The FactCheckHub, Nurudeen Akewushola, noted that AI can be useful in verification, particularly for translation and transcription when a claim is embedded in a video or audio. 

“AI tools are helpful for basic tasks like translation and transcription. For example, if a claim is made in a video or an audio recording, these tools can help us convert it into text or translate it into English so that it’s easier to verify,” he said.

But he added that one key limitation is AI’s struggle with accuracy in fast-changing news cycles, where timely verification requires context and judgment that the tools often lack.

Ethical safeguards and global standards

Speaking with The FactCheckHub, IFCN Director Angie Holan emphasised that ethical use of AI in fact-checking requires strict safeguards. She explained that fact-checkers must prioritise preventing AI “hallucinations” or errors from entering their work, while maintaining high standards of accuracy, diverse sourcing, and transparency so findings can be replicated. Holan added that it is equally important to disclose AI tool usage to audiences and guard against bias that could undermine fairness. 

While highlighting that its existing Code of Principles already emphasises transparency of methodology, she noted that the IFCN is evaluating whether AI adoption requires more specific guidance.

“Key areas under consideration include disclosure requirements when AI tools are used, maintaining transparency about the limitations of automated systems, and ensuring AI assistance doesn’t compromise our commitment to rigorous sourcing and verification. 

“Fact-checkers are actively working on these issues in a variety of contexts, and we are developing our own expertise as a community,” Holan stated.

On its approach to AI in verification, the IFCN explained that it is drafting guidance for members, stressing that AI should support rather than replace human judgment. The leadership of the network noted that fact-checkers are already experimenting with AI for tasks such as scanning content, identifying claims in large datasets, and responding to audience questions using databases of verified fact-checks.

READ: ‘Undress her’: How generative AI tools are used to violate human rights

“There should always be ‘humans in the loop’ in these processes, with fact-checking journalists maintaining editorial control,” Holan stated.

Here, Aluko and Olafusi’s point on AI being better suited for support tasks, rather than direct verification, echoes Holan’s emphasis that AI should enhance human judgment, not replace it. Both highlight the risks of over-reliance and the need for human oversight to preserve accuracy and contextual integrity.

Building safeguards and partnerships

To guard against over-reliance on technology, experts emphasise the need for safeguards that clearly define where human oversight is mandatory, with training programmes ensuring fact-checkers retain their core verification skills and know when human judgment must prevail over AI outputs.

“Organisations should establish clear guidance for their staff to define where human oversight is mandatory and to ensure staff maintain core verification skills independent of technological assistance. Training programs should emphasise when to trust AI insights and when human judgment must prevail” Holan added.

Akewushola also stressed the urgent need for continuous training on how and why to use AI tools responsibly, noting that data shared online leaves permanent digital footprints that can be exploited. Also, building awareness and confidence in these systems is essential to prevent long-term risks and misuse.

We must keep training ourselves on AI; otherwise, these tools could be misused, and the data we share online may expose us to risks.” Akewushola noted.

Olafusi stressed that regulators, civil society, and tech developers all have a role in ensuring responsible AI adoption in the media space. noting that while regulators and civil groups should prioritise media literacy, big tech companies must design AI tools transparently and with minimal bias. 

“They should be decisive about combating disinformation by taking decisive actions against sites and accounts that are known to spread disinformation on social media and have been flagged; instead of promoting their ads, their visibility should be limited or they should be outrightly suspended until they adhere to rules and regulations.” She concluded

At the same time, partnerships are being encouraged, with IFCN using its network meetings and GlobalFact summit to create spaces where fact-checkers can share their needs with developers, rather than adapting to tools designed for other contexts. 

This report was produced with support from the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID) and Luminate

Video does not show Boko Haram taking over military barracks

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A video claiming to show Boko Haram taking over several Nigerian military barracks and celebrating their victory has surfaced online.

The claim was shared on X by user @K3lv1nB0b0, accompanied by a nearly two-minute clip showing men in military uniforms driving vehicles across a wide field in what appeared to be a drill or parade.

Although speeches were heard in the footage, the language spoken did not resemble any known Nigerian language, raising doubts about the video’s authenticity

READ ALSO: Sheikh Gumi shares video from Sudan to depict bandit reinforcement in Nigeria

The caption alongside the post read:

Boko Haram taking over many Nigerian Military barracks & Rejoicing for their victory.
Since the post was published on Sunday, October 12, 2025, it has garnered over 900,000 views, 3,800 likes, and 2800 reposts.

CLAIM

Video shows Boko Haram taking over Nigerian military barracks

THE FINDINGS

Findings by The FactCheckHub indicate that the claim is FALSE!
Screenshot of the claim; Video shoes Boko haram taking over Nigerian military barracks; INSERT False verdict
Screenshot of the claim; Video shows Boko haram taking over Nigerian military barracks; INSERT False verdict

A Google reverse image search conducted on screenshots from the viral video led to earlier versions posted on Facebook, all shared by users who wrote captions in Arabic.

One of the videos appeared in a Facebook group named “لجيش السوداني” (translated as The Sudanese Army).

One of the captions read;

نظافة ملاقيط ومرتزقة الشتات الانجاس مليشيات النهب والفشل السريع عيال العزبات مصاصي الدماء
مبروك ياشباب لكم التحية ونصر من الله وفتح قريب
The accompanying caption, when translated, praised Sudanese soldiers and insulted opposing forces, describing them as “filthy mercenaries and bloodsuckers” while congratulating the fighters and invoking divine victory.

Another user shared the same video without a caption, but the comments beneath it were filled with messages of support for the Sudanese military. One comment read:

“Peace be upon you, land of Sudan, land of endurance, power, and beauty. May God protect you as you fight the mercenary traitors, and may God strengthen your hand and grant you victory. God willing, El Fasher is free from mercenaries.”

Both posts were uploaded on September 26, and a closer observation of the footage showed Arabic inscriptions on the vehicles and Sudanese flags visible on the soldiers’ uniforms and cars, suggesting that the video originated from Sudan, not Nigeria.

READ ALSO: No! Video does not show women being attacked in Sudan

The video appears to depict scenes from the ongoing conflict between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), who have been locked in a violent power struggle since April 2023. The war has displaced millions and, according to humanitarian organisations, triggered one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises.

THE VERDICT

The claim that the video shows Boko Haram taking over Nigerian military barracks is false; the video shows members of the Sudanese Armed Forces, not Boko Haram.

Anambra election : Why INEC may postpone voting in some areas —  what it means

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By Nigerian Fact-checker’s Coalition 

As Nigerians anticipate the Anambra off-cycle governorship election scheduled for November 8, there are growing speculations that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) may postpone voting in some Local Government Areas (LGAs).

Off-cycle elections, held outside the regular election schedule, play a significant role in Nigeria’s democracy. They are often organised to fill vacant positions or address specific local and state matters. Unlike general elections that follow fixed timelines and draw large voter numbers, off-cycle polls can occur at any time. Their outcomes can shape both local governance and national politics.

Can INEC postpone elections?

It is not without precedent; Nigeria has experienced postponements in the past, often due to security challenges, logistical issues, or unforeseen disruptions, raising questions about what such a move would mean for voters this time.

Nigeria’s Electoral Act empowers the INEC to postpone voting in specific polling units, wards, local government areas, or even entire constituencies if serious issues prevent elections from holding. Such matters may include outbreaks of violence, natural disasters, widespread insecurity, or technical failures such as faulty BVAS or other election equipment.

This power has been exercised in the past. General elections were shifted in 2011 and 2019 due to logistical and security challenges. At the local level, elections have also been postponed or rerun in certain areas where ballot snatching, intimidation, or violence disrupted voting.

As the Anambra off-cycle governorship election draws near, there are growing concerns that similar disruptions could lead to postponements in parts of the state, particularly in volatile local government areas with histories of electoral violence.

Why INEC may postpone voting in Anambra

Anambra State has some longstanding issues that could cause the postponement of elections, ranging from insecurity often fuelled by separatist threats to political thuggery, attacks on INEC offices, and persistent logistical challenges such as poor road networks, difficult riverine terrain, and late deployment of materials. 

The state has also witnessed fire outbreaks that destroyed election facilities and sensitive equipment, creating delays in preparations. Prolonged court disputes over party primaries and candidate eligibility have historically complicated the electoral process and, in some cases, forced adjustments to election timelines.

The Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) have frequently enforced sit-at-home directives aimed at disrupting electoral activities. In past elections, these orders, sometimes reversed at the last minute, have created uncertainty and lowered voter turnout in South East states, including Anambra.

In 2021, the separatist group announced a one-week sit-at-home order from November 5 to 10, deliberately timed to disrupt the governorship election in the state. Although the group later rescinded the directive under pressure, fears of violence lingered, fuelling voter apathy.

According to a 2021 report by The Nation newspaper, which examined the conduct of the  Anambra gubernatorial elections that year, while many blamed INEC for shifting voting in Ihiala Local Government Area of the state from Saturday, November 6, to Tuesday, November 9, the real obstacle was insecurity, which continued even during the rescheduled exercise. This showed that INEC has limited control over security matters.

The situation was, however, different during the 2023 presidential elections. Unlike other South-Eastern states that witnessed violent attacks and voter apathy, Anambra did not experience such challenges.

Recent months have seen a decline in violent incidents, such as kidnappings and attacks on civilians, some attributed to IPOB or unknown gunmen. These have significantly strained security and election logistics.

A report by The Whistler, which cited data from SBM Intelligence, indicates a steady decline in killings in Anambra through 2025. In its July 30 update, the firm reported 39 deaths in the second quarter (Q2), a 38 per cent drop from 63 in Q1. This followed another decline from 95 deaths in Q4 2024, the state’s deadliest quarter within the January 2024 to June 2025 period.

While Anambra has shown signs of improved security in 2025, the shadow of past threats and uncertainties lingers. The possibility of election postponement remains tied to how well security agencies, INEC, and community stakeholders can manage risks in volatile areas.

In addition, Anambra was one of the states where INEC’s office suffered arson in 2019, leading to the destruction of over 4,600 Smart Card Readers (SCRs)—critical pieces of election equipment that take months to procure, forcing the commission to reschedule the elections.

Though a postponement does not mean cancellation. Instead, voting in the affected areas is rescheduled to a later date within the constitutional timeframe. This ensures that voters in those areas are not denied their rights.

What it really means

For voters, a postponement means they will be temporarily denied the opportunity to cast their ballot on Election Day, with a new date set once the issues are resolved. While this protects their right to vote eventually, it can discourage participation, especially if voters feel unsafe or lose trust in the process.

Written & edited by Nigeria Fact-Checkers Coalition (NFC) ahead of the Anambra 2025 election.

No, Amupitan was not part of Tinubu’s 2023 election legal team

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FOLLOWING President Bola Tinubu’s nomination of Joash Amupitan as the new chairman of the Independence National Electoral Commission (INEC), several social media users alleged that the nominee was part of the legal team that represented Tinubu in court after the 2023 presidential election.

The claim, which has been shared multiple online, sparked public debate, with some suggesting that Amupitan’s alleged involvement made him unfit to head Nigeria’s electoral body.

An X user, @ojiUgo_nwa posted the claim with a caption :

“The INEC chairman designate was the lead counsel of APC and Tinubu in the 2023 presidential election.  Tinubu is an agbada wearing dictator.”

The post has generated over 200 reposts and more than 300 likes as of October 11, 2025.

The claim also appeared here and here.

CLAIM

Joash Amupitan, the INEC chairman nominee, was part of President Tinubu’s legal team for the 2023 presidential election’s court case.

screenshot of the claim that Omupitan was part of Tinubu legal team

THE FINDINGS

Findings by The FactCheckHub show that the claim is FALSE.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu officially nominated Joash Ojo Amupitan (SAN) to succeed Mahmood Yakubu, whose term as Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) ended in October 2025 after completing two terms (from 2015 to 2025).

Amupitan, 58, from Ayetoro Gbede, Ijumu LGA in Kogi State, is a Professor of Law at the University of Jos, Plateau. He is also an alumnus of the university.

A review of the Certified True Copies (CTC) of the 2023 presidential election petition tribunal and Supreme Court judgments(here and here) shows that Amupitan’s name does not appear among the lawyers listed for Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima, or the All Progressives Congress (APC).

Instead, the documents reveal that Taiwo Osipitan, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and professor of law at the University of Lagos, was part of Tinubu’s legal team. The similarity in their surnames, Osipitan and Amupitan, likely caused the confusion that led to the false claim.

Wole Olanipekun led Tinubu’s defence team, which included several prominent lawyers such as Akin Olujinmi, Yusuf Ali, and others. None of the official court records listed Joash Amupitan as a member of the team.

VERDICT

The claim that Joash Amupitan was part of President Tinubu’s legal team at the 2023 election tribunal is FALSE. Court records confirm that his name does not appear among Tinubu’s counsels, and the claim likely stems from confusion with Taiwo Osipitan.

Anambra 2025: Meet the 16 candidates vying to be governor

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On November 8, 2025, the people of Anambra State will head to the polls to elect a new governor. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has cleared 16 candidates from different political parties to contest in what promises to be a highly competitive race.

From seasoned politicians and entrepreneurs to first-time contenders, each of the 16 candidates bring their unique experiences and plans for the future of Anambra State.

  1. Ukachukwu Nicholas (APC)

Nicholas Ukachukwu is a businessman and politician from Osumenyi, Anambra State. According to his campaign website (archived here), he started his education at Omaigwe Primary School.

Image of Ukachukwu Nicholas. Picture source: Bizwatch NigeriaHe founded SNECOU Group Limited, a business with investments in oil and gas, real estate, construction, agriculture, education, and media. He was a former chairman of Abuja Municipal Area Council (AMAC) in the FCT and also served in Nigeria’s  House of Representatives from 1999 to 2003, representing the AMAC/Bwari Federal Constituency.

He is currently the governorship candidate for Anambra State under the All Progressives Congress in the 2025 election.

  1. Ezenwafor Jude (PDP)

Image of Ezenwafor Jude.
Image of Ezenwafor Jude.

Ezenwafor Jude is a real estate developer and trade consultant who emerged as the Peoples Democratic Party’s (PDP) flag-bearer after running unopposed in the party’s primary, where he received unanimous endorsement from 853 delegates across the state.

His career spans key roles in Nigerian politics, including advisory positions to state governors, leadership within political parties.

  1. Charles Soludo  (APGA)

File Photo : Charles Soludo
File Photo : Charles Soludo

Charles Soludo, the incumbent governor of Anambra State, is running for a second term under the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

He served as the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) from 2004 to 2009. Before that, he was the Chief Economic Adviser to President Olusegun Obasanjo and headed the National Planning Commission as its Director-General from 2003 to 2004. He was also the founding Chairman of the Africa Finance Corporation and has consulted for multiple international organisations.

  1. Geoffrey Onyejegbu (NNPP)

Geoffrey Onyejegbu is the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) governorship candidate for the 2025 Anambra State election. He is a retired Colonel of the Nigerian Army.

Geoff Onyejegbu.
Geoff Onyejegbu.

Previously,  he vied for the gubernatorial  ticket of the All Progressive Congress (APC) in 2021 but contested under the Allied Peoples Movement (APM).

  1. Moghalu Nnadubem (LP)

George Moghalu.
George Moghalu.

Moghalu Nnadubem, the Labour Party’s governorship candidate, hails from Nnewi, Nnewi North LGA, Anambra State.

His career spans decades, with contributions in both public and private sectors, including as Director General of the Bureau of Cooperatives and Rural Development in Abia State. He was also the Managing Director/CEO of the National Inland Waterways Authority (NIWA).

Beyond his professional achievements, he founded the Zimuzo Development Foundation.

  1. Chukwurah Vincent (SDP)

SDP logo
SDP logo

Vincent Chukwurah is the governorship candidate of the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Born in 1954 and from Anambra State, Vincent has a general high school diploma.

He contested for Idemili North/ Idemili South seat in the House of Representatives in the 2023 elections under  the Social Democratic Party.

  1. Onyeze Charles (A)

Image of Onyeze Charles. Picture source: Facebook.
Image of Onyeze Charles. Picture source: Facebook.

Onyeze Charles is a politician in Anambra. He was declared unopposed as the candidate of the Accord party during its primary election held at the East End Hotel, Aroma in Awka, Anambra State.

The 54-year-old is running with Ezeadili Appolonia.

  1. Nweke Japhet (AA)

Image of Nweke Japhet. Picture source: Instagram

Nweke Japheth emerged as the Action Alliance Party’s gubernatorial candidate for Anambra State in the 2025 election. He secured the primaries through an Option A4 voting system and garnered 58 votes from party delegates at the state’s party primary.

He is the chairman/CEO  of Blue Shield Security Company Limited.

  1. Ifemeludike Chioma (AAC)

Ifemeludike Chioma
Ifemeludike Chioma

Ifemeludike Chioma is the first of five children and lost her father at a young age. She attended Saint Paul’s Primary School, Township Secondary School, and Saint John’s Secondary School – all in Jos, Plateau State. She studied political science at Anambra State University (now Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University), where she was active in student unionism and civil rights volunteering. She is the youngest candidate in this gubernatorial election.

  1. Nwosu Chuma (ADC)

Image of Ifemeludike Chioma.
Image of Ifemeludike Chioma.

Chuma Nwosu hails from Oduda, Nnewichi community  in Nnewi, Anambra State. He is an economist and computer technologist with over 30 years experience in the private sector. He currently serves as CEO of Jetlink Group Ltd., an ICT firm with regional interests in Nigeria, Ghana, and Liberia.

He emerged as the African Democratic Congress (ADC) governorship candidate, receiving a certificate of return and selecting Geoffrey Nwobu as his running mate.

  1. Otti  Echezona (APM)

Image of APM logo.

Otti Echezona is the Allied Peoples’ Movement (APM’s) governorship candidate, with Ezeigwe Chuka Samuel as his running mate. He was confirmed in the final candidate list published by INEC.

The 66-year-old has his first school-leaving certificate, Senior School Certificate Examination, and Higher National Diploma.

  1. Nweke  Chukwudubem (APP)

APP logo

INEC’s finalised list for the November 8, 2025, Anambra governorship election identifies Nweke Christopher Chukwudubem as the Action Peoples Party (APP) candidate, with Okeke Blessing Ebele as his running mate.

Nweke is currently 44 years old and studied Law.

  1. Okeke Jerry (BOOT)

Okeke Jerry was born in Ezinifite, Aguata LGA of Anambra State. He attended Town School and Community Secondary School, Ezinifite. He later studied Civil Engineering at IMT Enugu and Geological Science at Nnamdi Azikiwe University (UNIZIK). He pursued further studies in Linguistics, Law, and Public Administration.

Image of Okeke Jerry.
Image of Okeke Jerry.

He founded Edumail Publications Ltd. in 2005. This company produces textbooks, storybooks, and educational materials widely used across Nigeria.

  1. Ndidi Olieh (NRM)

Ndidi Olieh
Ndidi Olieh

INEC recognised 40-year-old Ndidi Olieh as the National Rescue Movement (NRM) flagbearer for the Anambra governorship election and Ogbe Reginald as her deputy. She is also the Anambra state spokesperson for her party. Her educational qualifications as stated by INEC include a first school-leaving certificate, National Examination Council (NECO), and a BSc from Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka.

  1. Paul Chukwuma  (YPP)

Paul Chukwuma was born on February 27, 1978, in Ihiala, Anambra State. Paul is married to Fidelia Chukwuma and has six children. He holds degrees in Philosophy (UNN) and Law, plus a Master of Laws in Intellectual Property & IT Law with Distinction. He is also an alumnus of the Lagos Business School.

He founded a group of companies spanning ICT, real estate, construction, and education, including Olivia University of Medical Sciences in Anambra and Olivia University in Burundi, creating jobs and opportunities across Africa. He has invested in youth empowerment and innovation through scholarships, social programmes, and the Centre for Applied Research & Development (CARD).

  1. Martin  Ugwoji (ZLP)

Martin Ugwoji, aged 59, is the Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)’s official governorship candidate for the Anambra 2025 election. His deputy running mate is Obi Faith.

ZLP logo

He has his first school-leaving certificate and a WAEC qualification.

Written & edited by Nigeria Fact-Checkers Coalition (NFC) ahead of the Anambra 2025 election.

No, Tunisia is not the first African nation to launch locally-made satellite

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A Facebook user, @Afrocania, has claimed that Tunisia became the first African nation to launch a homemade satellite into orbit.

The post featured an image of Tunisian President Kais Saied and an Ariane 5 rocket, with a caption that read:

“Big Boy Moves Tunisia makes a footprint to become the First African Nation to launch a home-made satellite into the Orbit. According to the Presido and Point One Kais Saied; In this era of information technology, Africa cannot keep its secrets while relying on Western-provided satellites for technological advancement and communication…”

As of the time this fact-check was published, the post had generated over 1,500 likes and more than 90 shares.

CLAIM

Tunisia is the first African country to launch a home-made satellite into orbit.

screenshot of the viral post claiiming Tunisia is the first African country to launch a home made satellite

THE FINDINGS

Findings by The FactCheckHub show that the claim is FALSE.

Tunisia launched Challenge-1, a nano-satellite built by local engineers from the TelNet Group, in March 2021. The satellite was deployed aboard a Russian Soyuz-2 rocket from Baikonur, Kazakhstan. While this marked Tunisia’s first domestically manufactured satellite, it was not Africa’s first.

South Africa achieved that milestone over two decades earlier when it launched SUNSAT in 1999, a satellite entirely designed, assembled, and built by students and engineers at Stellenbosch University.

Since then, several other African countries have launched locally built or co-developed satellites, making Tunisia one of the more recent entrants into Africa’s growing space landscape.

For instance, NigeriaSat-X, developed by Nigerian engineers in partnership with Surrey Space Technology Ltd (SSTL), was launched on August 17, 2011, marking Nigeria’s first domestically built satellite.

Similarly, Algeria, through SSTL, launched AlSat-1B in 2016 — a medium-resolution Earth observation satellite built for the Algerian Space Agency (ASAL).

Egypt also advanced its space programme with the launch of EgyptSat-A in February 2019, its third Earth observation satellite. The project involved significant local participation by Egyptian engineers working with Russia’s RKK Energia.

VERDICT

The claim that Tunisia is not the first African nation to launch a home-made satellite is FALSE. Findings show that South Africa achieved this milestone in 1999 with the launch of SUNSAT, while Tunisia’s Challenge-1 makes it the seventh African-built satellite to reach orbit.

Things that can get you arrested during elections in Nigeria

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By Nigerian Fact-checker’s Coalition 

THE Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has continually warned against vote-buying, ballot box snatching, underage voting and other electoral malpractices as Anambra election holds November 8.

.INEC organises elections into various political offices in the country.

The Electoral Act 2022 clearly outlines the rules and regulations guiding electoral process.

But many Nigerians are unaware of the provisions in the Act that could lead to their arrest.

This article highlights the key activities that could lead to arrest during the forthcoming election in Anambra. 

Legal framework

Electoral offences in Nigeria are comprehensively stipulated in the Electoral Act 2022.

It was assented to by the late former president, Muhammadu Buhari, in February 2022 and later gazetted and published in the following month for adoption ahead of the 2023 general elections.

Under the Act, offences such as vote buying, impersonation, and voting by unqualified voters, among others, carry a fine, imprisonment, or both, depending on the severity of the offence.

This effort aims to ensure credible, free, and fair elections among participating parties, thereby ensuring that citizens’ votes count.

The Anambra election is approaching, and the Electoral Act 2022 will remain in effect until it is amended or repealed. If you are a voter in Anambra, below are some of the offences that could lead to your arrest in the governorship election period.

Voter registration offences

Everyone in Anambra who is eligible to vote is required to register for the election. However, it is important to note that anyone who, without authority, destroys, mutilates, deface, removes, or alters a registration notice or document may face imprisonment. 

In addition, impersonating or registering in a constituency you are not entitled to, or registering at multiple centres; publishing false statements to deter eligible voters from registering; making false entries in registration documents; obstructing registration or revision officers; impersonating registration officers; forging a registration card; or conducting registration or revision outside designated centres are all prohibited by the law. 

These offences carry a fine of up to N1 million, imprisonment for up to 12 months, or both.

Offences in respect of nomination

If you forge, deface, destroy, unlawfully handle or deliver forged nomination papers, result forms, certificates of return, ballot papers, ballot boxes, or you consent to be a candidate when ineligible, you commit an offence and are liable on conviction to imprisonment for up to two years.

Manufacturing or importing election materials without authority

The Nigerian law criminalises manufacturing, importing, possessing, or supplying ballot boxes, compartments, voting devices, or mechanisms without proper authority. 

The unlawful possession, illegal printing of a ballot paper, illegal production, importation of ballot boxes or the illegal printing of ballot papers are prohibited.

These offences attract a maximum fine of N50 million, imprisonment for a term of not less than 10 years, or both.

Disorderly behaviour at political meetings

Political meetings are essential for the promotion of democracy, especially in a multi-party system like Nigeria’s. However, opposition groups sometimes attempt to disrupt one another’s gatherings. Acting in a disorderly manner or being in possession of an offensive weapon at a political meeting can result in a  fine of up to N500,000, imprisonment for up to 12 months, or both.

Improper use of voter’s card

Your voter’s card is meant for you only and can’t be shared with others. Therefore, giving your voter’s card to someone else to use during an election, other than an officer appointed to do so, is unlawful. It’s also the same for possessing more than one voter’s card or buying, selling and dealing with voters’ cards. Anyone found wanting of these offences is liable to a fine of up to N1 million,  imprisonment for 12 months, or both.

Improper use of government vehicles

It is prohibited to convey any person to a registration office or to a polling unit using a government vehicle or boat except such a person is entitled to use such a vehicle or boat, for instance, an electoral officer. 

Anyone who does this risks a fine of up to N500,000 or imprisonment for up to six months, or both.

Impersonation and voting when not qualified

If you attempt to vote in the Anambra election without being qualified to vote, or you induce a person to vote knowing such a person is not qualified, you can be liable of a fine of up to N500,000 or 12 months imprisonment or both. This also applies to voting more than once or aiding the commission of these offences.

Dereliction of duty and announcing false result

If you are a polling officer who fails to report to the polling unit on time or fails to discharge your duties on election day without a lawful excuse, you can be convicted and fined up to N500,000 or imprisoned for up to 12 months, or both. 

Additionally, announcing or publishing a false election result is punishable by up to 36 months imprisonment. 

If a returning officer, collation officer, or person delivers a false certificate of return, they will be liable to  a sentence of up to three years imprisonment without the option of a fine. 

Bribery and conspiracy: vote buying

Paying money to any other person for bribery at any election or receiving any money or gift for voting, or to refrain from voting at any election, carries a fine of up to N500,000 or imprisonment for 12 months, or both. If a person aids and abets such offences, the same punishment applies. 

Voting interference 

Voting must be done in secret in the polling booth, so that no one else knows the party you voted for. Flouting this rule means you are not maintaining the secrecy of voting at a polling unit. At the polling booth, you cannot interfere with or speak to a voter casting their vote.  If found guilty, you will face a fine of up to N100,000 or imprisonment for up to three months, or both. 

Wrongful voting and false statements

Illegal voting at an election and publishing any statement of the withdrawal of a candidate or about his personal character, knowing it to be false, will attract a fine of  up to N100,000 or imprisonment for a term of six months, or both. 

Voting by unregistered persons

If you bring a voter’s card issued to another person into a polling unit during an election, you are liable to be fined N100,000 or imprisoned for six months, or both. You get the same punishment if you attempt to knowingly vote in a constituency that doesn’t have your name in its register.

Disorderly conduct at elections

If you incite people to act in a disorderly manner at polling units, you will be liable to a  fine of N500,000 or imprisonment for a term of 12 months, or both. 

Offences on election day

According to the Act, within a distance of 300 metres of a polling unit, you must not canvass for votes, persuade any voter not to vote for a particular candidate, or be in possession of any offensive weapon. 

You must also not wear or display any notice, symbol, photograph, or party card. Using any vehicle bearing the colour or symbol of a political party, loitering around a polling unit, or blaring a siren is also prohibited. 

Flouting these prohibitions can result in a fine of N100,000 or a term of imprisonment of six months. 

In addition, the snatching or destruction of any election material can result in a 24-month imprisonment.

Undue Influence  –  vote buying & selling 

If you accept money or any other inducement after the announcement of an election date, or if you give money or an inducement to corruptly influence someone to vote or not vote, you will face penalties. You are liable to be fined N100,000 or imprisoned for 12 months, or both.

Violence, threats, or campaign obstruction

If you threaten a person with violence or injury to compel that person to vote or refrain from voting, or you prevent any political aspirant from free use of the media vehicles, mobilisation of political support and campaign at an election, you will be liable to be fined N1 million or imprisoned for three years. 

Written & edited by Nigeria Fact-Checkers Coalition (NFC) ahead of the Anambra 2025 election.

YouTube fueling misinformation on medical cannabis – Study

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A new study published in the Journal of Medical Internet Research (JMIR) has found that a majority of YouTube videos about medical cannabis contain unreliable or misleading information, despite the platform’s efforts to promote credible health sources.

The study, titled “Misinformation About Medical Cannabis in YouTube Videos: Systematic Review,” conducted by Shivank Khare, Simon Erridge, Swathikan Chidambaram, and Mikael Hans Sodergren from the United Kingdom, evaluated the quality and reliability of information about medical cannabis on YouTube and examined how video popularity relates to content quality.

After systematically reviewing 800 YouTube videos on medical cannabis, and analysing 516 after applying exclusion criteria. Using Google Trends, they identified relevant search terms and categorised videos into three groups: nonmedical educational channels, medical education channels, and independent users.

The findings revealed that independent creators who are often non-experts dominated the space, accounting for 84.3 per cent (435 videos). In contrast, only 12.2 per cent (63 videos) were produced by medical education channels.

READ: How content creators use AI to misinform young children on YouTube – Report

Despite their limited presence, the videos collectively reached 119 million views, underscoring YouTube’s growing influence as a source of health information. However, the study highlighted major concerns about credibility and accuracy.

Using two established evaluation tools, the DISCERN grade and the Health on the Net (HON) code, the researchers assessed each video’s accuracy, transparency, and overall trustworthiness. The results revealed low average scores across all categories.

Non-medical educational channels scored the highest in reliability (DISCERN score of 47.8), while independent users scored the lowest (33.5). However, popularity did not always align with quality.

The most-viewed videos were not necessarily the most accurate. In fact, medical experts videos averaged just 5,721 views, compared to the hundreds of thousands drawn by nonmedical creators.

Interestingly, while medical education sources were more reliable than independent creators, they still performed below non-medical educational channels, many of which were linked to news organisations.

The study suggests that this could be because medical sources often use technical language and longer, lecture-style formats better suited to academic audiences. In contrast, nonmedical creators tend to use simpler language, catchy visuals, and storytelling, making their content more relatable and shareable.

READ ALSO: YouTube creators using AI misinformation to target black celebrities

“YouTube is a key source of information on medical cannabis, but the credibility of videos varies widely. Independent users attract the highest viewers but have reduced reliability according to the DISCERN and HON scores,” the researchers concluded.

The authors warned that the dominance of less reliable creators could fuel health misinformation, especially on sensitive topics like cannabis use. They recommended stronger content moderation and better promotion of verified health sources to ensure accurate, evidence-based information reaches a wider audience.

With 2.5 billion monthly users, YouTube remains one of the world’s largest health information platforms but as this study shows, not all viral content should be trusted.

Why you should not trust every screenshot

SCREENSHOTS have become a staple of online communication, circulating from viral tweets to breaking news headlines, and are often treated as instant proof.

But screenshots can be misleading or completely fake. A doctored tweet attributed to a politician, an edited bank alert, or a fabricated news headline can spread online in seconds, convincing thousands before fact-checkers even weigh in.

The FactCheckHub has debunked some of these instances listed above, which can be seen here, here, and here

READ ALSO: How to verify social media profiles, pages

Because screenshots look authentic and are easy to share, they have become one of the simplest tools for fuelling misinformation, especially in fast-moving news cycles where people are less likely to question their accuracy.

False proof in a click

Creating a fake screenshot is a fast and easy process. Free editing apps let anyone alter names, wording, or even the number of likes and comments on a post in seconds; some fabricators go further and invent entire tweets or headlines that were never published.

Another common tactic is to change a news headline in a screen grab so it appears to come from a reputable outlet, also known as manipulated headlines, and because screenshots are static images, they carry no clickable links or metadata to prove authenticity. Those features make screenshots a perfect vehicle for misinformation: they look plausible, spread quickly, and are hard for casual users to verify at a glance.

Even unedited screenshots can distort the truth. A simple crop might remove the date, making an old post appear recent, or hide key replies that shift the meaning of a conversation.

In some cases, satirical comments have been screen – shotted and re-shared as if they were accurate statements, misleading audiences who never see the full thread. Beyond this, screenshots strip away important digital cues such as timestamps, source links, and engagement history that would normally help verify authenticity. Once those details are gone, it becomes harder for readers to judge credibility, and easier for misinformation to spread unchecked.

How to verify screenshots

Check the source

Go straight to the account or website shown in the screenshot — don’t rely on the image itself. Confirm the handle or URL exactly (look for impostor accounts with extra characters), check for verification marks where relevant, and scan the profile for history and tone: does the account regularly post that kind of content? Look for the original post on the platform (not just reposts) and note the publish date and time. If the screenshot claims to be from an organisation, check the organisation’s official site or other verified social accounts for the same story.

READ : Foreign actors misuse picture of murdered muslim villagers to depict christian massacre in Nigeria

Search the wording

Copy the exact text (or type a short, unique phrase) and run it in quotes through a search engine and the social-platform search bar. This reveals exact matches, earlier posts, or reputable coverage that confirms or contradicts the claim. Search variations and translations that are too misquoted or paraphrase the text can hide the original context.

Do a reverse image search

Upload the screenshot to Google Lens, Google Images, TinEye, or Yandex. Look for the earliest appearance of the image, alternative captions, or higher-resolution originals. If the same image appears with different dates, captions, or locations, that’s a clue it’s being reused or misrepresented. Also, watch out for older timestamps, different captions, source credited to a stock photo site or a different event/location.

Look at the details

Inspect the screenshot closely and observe User Interface (UI) elements such as platform logos, buttons, fonts, alignment, spacing, and image quality. Poor cropping, inconsistent fonts, odd punctuation, mismatched icons, or blurred/warped areas usually indicate editing. On news screenshots, check if the headline style matches that outlet’s usual layout (font, byline placement, dateline).

Check metadata and original files 

Screenshots strip metadata, but if you can access the original image or video file check the Exchangeable Image File Format. EXIF/metadata for creation date, device info, and geolocation. Use an EXIF viewer or forensic tool. If metadata is missing or clearly altered, treat the image with caution.

READ ALSO: How information disorder heightens tension, confuses public during crisis

Many platforms and messaging apps remove EXIF data. Absence alone isn’t proof of fakery, but the presence of conflicting metadata is useful.

Corroborate with other sources

Look for independent reporting, eyewitness posts, official statements, or on-the-ground photos from multiple users. For location-based claims, try geolocation: match visible landmarks, road signs, or building features with satellite imagery or Street View. If only one account is pushing the claim and nobody else, especially local media, is reporting it, treat it as unverified.

Mind timeline and context

Screenshots can be decontextualised, an old tweet made to look recent, or a satirical post reused seriously. Verify timestamps, check the thread/replies for clarification, and see whether the screenshot omits surrounding conversation that changes meaning.

Use verification tools and experts

When available, consult reverse-search tools, archived pages such as Wayback Machine, or the archive.is and social monitoring platforms. Try reaching out to the original poster and requesting the live link or source. If you can’t verify quickly, flag the content as unverified rather than share it. Encourage readers to wait for corroboration, and report the post to the platform if it violates policies.

Old image falsely used to depict airstrike in Kwara

A claim that an image shows multiple airstrikes conducted by the Nigerian Air Force in some troubled towns in Kwara state has surfaced on the internet.

The claim was made by an X user, @milnewsng, alongside a picture that showed the marked area for an airstrike.

The caption read:

The Nigerian Air Force Air Task Force OPFY Sector 3 has conducted multiple airstrikes in Kakihun, Oke-Ode, Babanla, and surrounding areas in Kwara State. Recce + CAS ops were executed as threat deterrence & bandits/terrorists seen at East of Babanla were targeted in airstrikes.

Since the inception of the claim on Monday, September 29, 2025, it has generated a traction of over 70,000 views, 590 likes, and 237 reposts.

CLAIM

Image shows airstrike on Kwara communities.

THE FINDINGS

Findings by The FactCheckHub show that the claim is MISLEADING!

Screenshot of the claim extracted from X; Insert MISLEADING verdict
Screenshot of the claim extracted from X; Insert MISLEADING verdict

When the image was subjected to a Google Lens search, it traced back to earlier appearances where it had been used as a featured photo in news reports.

One such report, published by Zagazola Makama, stated that on October 25, 2024, Nigerian Air Force (NAF) airstrikes eliminated scores of Boko Haram fighters at two key locations in Bula Marwa, Borno State. The strikes reportedly destroyed several motorcycles and thwarted planned terrorist activities, marking a major contribution by the Air Component of Operation HADIN KAI in the fight against insurgency.

Other media outlets also carried the same report at the time, as seen here and here.

However, further checks revealed that although some media houses had indeed reported airstrikes in parts of Kwara State on Sunday, September 28, the image circulating was misleading, as it was falsely used to depict the incident.

THE VERDICT

The claim that the image shows an airstrike in Kwara communities is misleading; the image is from an airstrike in Bula Marwa, Borno state, from 2024.